<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" standalone="yes"?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Political Economy | Krisna 'imed' Gupta</title><link>https://www.krisna.or.id/en/tag/political-economy/</link><atom:link href="https://www.krisna.or.id/en/tag/political-economy/index.xml" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/><description>Political Economy</description><generator>HugoBlox Kit (https://hugoblox.com)</generator><language>en-us</language><lastBuildDate>Sat, 29 Aug 2026 10:10:00 +0700</lastBuildDate><image><url>https://www.krisna.or.id/media/icon_hu_b3b1c80225e80fa3.png</url><title>Political Economy</title><link>https://www.krisna.or.id/en/tag/political-economy/</link></image><item><title>What makes a good policy analysis</title><link>https://www.krisna.or.id/en/event/kanopi/</link><pubDate>Sat, 29 Aug 2026 10:10:00 +0700</pubDate><guid>https://www.krisna.or.id/en/event/kanopi/</guid><description>&lt;p&gt;A credible policy recommendation is not merely a correct idea. This session unpacks the distance between analysis that is right and a recommendation that can actually be used — a distance I only came to understand properly after moving from analysing policy outside government to working inside it.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The backbone is the four-step frame from the World Bank&amp;rsquo;s Regulatory Impact Assessment practice: define the problem and why intervention is warranted, state targets that can genuinely be checked, map the causal chain from policy to outcome, and test alternatives — including the alternative of doing nothing. To those four I add a fifth: political and institutional analysis. Who implements it, which budget line pays for it, and who stands to lose and has the power to block it. A recommendation that answers none of these is not a recommendation but a wish list.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The frame is then applied to the competition&amp;rsquo;s three subthemes. On the fiscal side, government revenue moved from 13.4% of GDP in 2000 to 13.3% in 2025 while neighbouring countries held at 20–21%; World Bank estimates put the VAT and corporate income tax gap at an average 6.4% of GDP over 2016–2021, with 58% coming from non-compliance rather than policy design — which makes raising rates the wrong instrument for the diagnosis. On the monetary side, the September 2025 placement of Rp200 trillion of government funds in five state-owned banks is read as a case: government deposits at Bank Indonesia fell from Rp451 trillion to Rp239 trillion in a single month, while what was actually weak was credit demand — working capital credit growth slowed from 12.4% to 4.4%. The most feasible instrument is not necessarily the one that fits the diagnosis. On the real side, manufacturing&amp;rsquo;s share of GDP fell from 32.0% in 2002 to 19.0% in 2024, and the downstreaming argument serves as an analytical exercise for testing the infant industry conditions and tracing who bears the cost.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The session closes with the Kuvukiland exercise, showing why a policy that is right in aggregate can still lose at the ballot box, a note on comparing mechanisms rather than outcomes when learning from other countries, and ten questions worth answering before an essay is submitted.&lt;/p&gt;</description></item></channel></rss>